27.SYNDICALISM  AND  THE COUNCILS

Are we syndicalists? Is the movement of workshop delegates which,
began in Turin nothing but one more local variation of syndicalism.
Can this movement really be seen as the minor disturbance which
heralds the devastations of the tornado of home-produced syndicalism -
that conglomeration of demagogy, insistent pseudo-revolutionary
verbalism, undisciplined, irresponsible enthusiasm and maniacal
excitement on the part of a few individuals of limited intelligence
(little brains but big mouths) who have in the past sometimes
succeeded in pillaging the will ofthe masses - and will it take its
place in the annals of the Italian workers' movement labelled:
Italian syndicalism.

-  -  -  -  -

In the concrete experience of proletarian revolutions, syndicalysm has
been an utter failure. The trade unions have shown that they are
organically incapable of embodying the proletarian dictatorship. The
union's normal course of development is marked by a continuous decline
in the revolutionary spirit of the masses. The union increases their
material strength, but weakens or completely destroys their appetite
for conquest; their elan vital wilts, and heroic intransigences is
succeeded by the practice of opportunism - "bread and butter
demands". An increase in quantity results in a decrease in quality,
and a racile accommodation to capitalist forms; it results in the
workers acquiring a stingy, narrow, petty- and middle-bourgeois
mentality. And yet the basic task of the union is to recruit the
masses in their "entirety", and absorb all the workers in industry and
agriculture into its ranks. So the means are not adapted to the ends -
and since means are anyway nothing but a moment of the end which is
accomplished, which is realized, one must conclude that trade unionism
is not a means to revolution, ie not a moment of the proletarian
revolutìon, is not the revolution in the process of being accomplished
and realized: trade unionism ie revolutionary only to the extent that
it is grammatically possible to link the two expressions.

-  -  -  -  -


Trade unionism stands revealed as nothing other than a form of
capitalìst society, not a potential successor to that society. It
organizes workers not as producers, but as wage-earners, i.e. as
creatures of the capitalist, private property rrgime, selling the
commodity labour. Trade unionism combines workers on the basis of the
tools they use or the material they transform; in other words, trade
unionism combines workers on the basis of the form that the capitalist
régime, the régime of economic individualism, impresses on them. The
use of one tool rather than another, and the transformation of one
material rather than another, brings to light different capacities and
attitudes to work and to earnings; the worker becomes fixed in his
particular capacity and attitude, and sees his job not as a moment of
production, but simply as a means of earning a livelihood.  

The industrial or craft union, by combining the worker wíth his
comrades in the same craft or industry, with men who use the same
tools or transform the same material as himself, helps to foster this
mentality, so that the worker is even less likely to see himself as a
producer. He is led instead to consider himself as a "commodity" whose
price, whose value, is set by, the free play of competition in a
national and international market.  

The worker can see himself as a producer only if he sees himself as an
inseparable part of the whole labour system which is concentrated in
the object being manufactured, and only ìf he experiences the unity of
the industrial process which in toto demands collaboration between
manual workers, skilled workers, administrative employees, engineers
and technical directors. The worker will see himself as a producer if
- after he has become psychologically part of a particular productive
proceess in aparticular factory (e.g. in a car plantin Turin) and has
come to think of himself as a necessary and indispensable factor in
the actívity ofthe social complex producing the car - he can now go
one stage further and comprehend the whole of the Turin
car-manufacturing process. If he can comprehend Turin as one
production unit characterized by the car; see a large part of the
general productive activity of Turin as existing and developing simply
as a result of the existence and development of the car industry; and
so see the workers in these general productive activities as
themselves belonging to the car industry, for the simple reason that
they create the necessary and sumfficient conditions for that
industry's existence. Startíng off from the original cell, the
factory, seen as a unit, as an act that creates a particular product,
the worker proceeds to the comprehension of ever vaster units, right
up to the level of the nation itself - which is in its entirety a
gigantic apparatus of production, characterized by its exports, by the
sum of wealth it exchanges for. an equivalent sum of wealth coming in
from every part of the world, from the various other gígantic
apparatuses of production into which the world is divided. At this
point the worker has become a producer, for he has acquired an
awareness of his role in the process of production, at all its levels,
from the workshop to the nation and the world. At this point he is
aware of his class; he becomes a communist because productivity does
not require private property; he becomes a revolutionary, because he
sees the capitalist, the private property, owner, as a dead hand, an
encumbrance on the productive process which must be done away with. At
this point he arrives at a conception of the "State", i.e. he
conceives a complex organization of society, a concrete form of
society, because this is nothíng but the form of the gigantic
apparatus of productíon which reffects - through all the novel
superior links and relations and functions inherent in its very
enormity - the life of the workshop: which represents, in a harmonized
and híerarchical fashion, the complex of conditions needed for the
survival and development of his industry, his workshop, and even his
person as a producer.

_     _     _     _     _

The Italian practice of pseudo-revolutionary syndicalism, lìke the
practice of reformist trade unionism, is negated by the Turin movement
of workshop delegates; in fact, it is negated twice over, since
reformist trade unionism represents an advance over
pseudo-revolutionary syndicalism. For if the trade union is alone in
being able to get "bread and butter" for the workers; in being able to
guarantee, within the context of a bourgeois régime, a stable wage
market and eliminate some of the most dangerous uncertainties as far
as the worker's physical and moral ìntegrity is concerned; then it is
obvious that reformist and not pseudo-revolutionary practice has
obtained these results. To try to squeeze more out ofan instrument
than it can give, or, to foster the belief that it can deliver more
than its nature would allow it is simply to commìt blunders and
indulge in purely demagogic activity.  The pseudo-revolutionary
syndicalists in Italy are frequently to be found discussing (as for
instance in the railway men's union) whether they should restrict
membership of their union to "revolutìonaries" only,to the audacious
minority dragging the cold and indifferent masses after it. In other
words, these people end up by rejecting the basic principle of trade
unionism, which is organization ofthe masses in their entirety. For
deep down and unconsciously they are aware of the inanity of "their"
propaganda; aware that the trade union ís incapable of giving the
worker's consciousness a concretely revolutionary form.  For they have
never considered the problem of the proletarian revolution in clear
and precise terms and, although they uphold the producers' theory,
they have never experienced the mentality of producers.  These people
are demagogues, not revolutionaries; they are agitators stirring the
flood that they have excited with their fatuous fiery speeches; they
do not educate the worker or shape his consciousness.

Would the delegates' movement have arísen and developed sìmply to
replace Buozzi and D'Aragona by Borghi?38 The delegates' movement is
the negation of every form of individualism and personalism. It is the
beginning of a great historical process, a process in which the
working masses will acquire consciousness of their indissoluble unity
based on production and on the concrete activity of labour, and will
provide this consciousness with an organic form, by building up their
own leadership, by throwing up these leaders from the depths of their
own ranks, so that they will be as it were the conscious expression of
a precise goal to be accomplished, of a great historical process
which-notwithstandìng the errors that individuals may commit and the
crises that natíonal and international conditione may precipitate must
and wìll culminate in the dictatorshìp of the proletariat, in the
Communist International.  

Syndicalism has never once expressed such a conception of the
producer, nor of the process of historical development of the producer
society; it has never once indicated that this leadership, this line,
should be impressed upon the workers' organization. It has theorized a
particular form of organizatíon - the craft and industrial union - and
has built, to be sure, on a reality, but a reality that was given its
form by the capitalist régime of free competition and private
ownership of labour-power. Therefore it has simply constructed a
Utopia, a great castle of abstractions.  

The idea of the Councils system, based on the power of the working
masses organized around their place of work, around production unìts,
arose as a result of the concrete historical experiences of the
Russian proletariat; it is the fruit of the theoretical labours of
Russian communist comrades, who are revolutionary socialists, not
syndicalists.

Unsigned, L'Ordine Nuovo, 8 November 1919, Vol. 1, No. 25.

Append 28

28. THE PROGRAMME OF THE WORKSHOP DELEGATES

This is the programme adopted by the first quasi-general assembly of
the Turin factory delegates. It is more than just a programme; it is
meant to be an exposition of the concepts which have underpinned the
rise of a new form of proletarian power. The exposition is
propagandist in intention, and is designed to establish a basis for
discussion with the proletarian organs which emerged earlier.

This first assembly, therefore, does not reserve to itself the right
to formulate a definitive programme, because this is a programme for
revolutionary activity and ought therefore to be open to continuous
radical innovation. Its purpose rather is to set in train in Italy a
practical experiment in the achievement of communist society.  

It is first-comers who characteristically claim all rights for
themselves; this is the practice of some ofthose men who would like to
embody in themselves all the activities of the trade unions and to
convince everyone that the union with its various functions can cover
the whole of social life.

We ourselves, through the reality of our power and our functions, are
a primary negation ofthis theory. It is not a theoretical negation,
not an artificial construct of the human mind. Our power has arisen
through the spontaneous will of the factory proletariat, which is
tired of having to submit - despite all the fine talk of democracy -
to a discipline and a formulation of guiding concepts in which it has
no say. It is tired of always having to be on ite guard against being
carried down a road which is not that of revolution, as a result of
the tendencies or weaknesses of individual men.

It is this sharp reaction which has resulted in factory delegates
appearing in every single nation. The rise of the delegates shows that
negotiation about prices in the context of bourgeois competition, and
administration of the means of production and masses ofmen, are two
different functions. The first has what might be called a commercial
objective: it consists in establishing the value of the labour of a
category of workers, on a given bourgeois market, in order to sell it
at the best possible price (a function exercised by the trade
unions). The second has the potential objective of preparing men,
bodies and concepts, through a continuous pre-revolutionary process of
scrutiny, so that they may be equipped to replace the employer's
authority in the factory and impose a new discipline on social
lífe. This is the function of the delegates who, through the very
mechanism whereby they are formed, represent the most democratic kind
of power, It is with the aim of establishing precise demarcations
between the activities and competence of these two functions that the
programme has been preceded by a declaration of fundamental
principles.

The example of the fatal conflict between trade-union leaders and the
power of the councils in Hungary has led us to attempt to prevent a
repetition of the phenomenon in the Italian revolution, by defining at
the outset the relations between the two functions and allotting to
each the tasks that ìts constitution, governing principle and daily
practice warrant.

The principle of the democratic mandate must prevail ín every form of
power: the elected must be nothing other than the executors of the
will of the masses. Thìs principle is faithfully put into practice by
the delegates.

In this system there is not yet universal suffrage, as a result of a
variety of contingent factors.  For example, there still exists a
bourgeoisie wíth numerous agents; there still exist unconscious
proletarians, who are not members of a trade union. While these latter
can and must have the right to express their will by voting, they
should not have the right to stand for election: they cannot be
invested with authority over the unions, of which they are unconscious,
or over socíal life, which they do not understand.

But the delegates, precisely because they are elected by all the
proletarians, constitute a social power; and because they are union
members elected by all the proletarians (who as conscious workers will
undoubtedly win authority over the masses) they can represent the will
of the union members themselves within the organizations.

The programme, we repeat, cannot be and will never be definitive.
Successive regional and then national assemblies will have to revise
it continuously and develop the ideas contained ìn it.

In the meantime, to secure its widespread distribution and discussion,
the delegates' assembly has adopted the following resolutions.

1. The factory delegates of Turin, meeting in an assembly held on 31
October l9l9, drew up the enclosed programme concerning the powers
of councils and delegates. They decided:

(a) to request its publication ín all proletarian newspapers and
journals;

(b) to distribute it ìn factories all over Italy;

(c) to form industrial commissions on the basis of the former internal
commissions, to examine its application in different industries;

(d) to have it discussed and eventually adopted by all organizations
and co-operatives whose watchword is the class struggle.

2. The assembly of the Turìn factory delegates resolves to call a
regional assembly, as soon as delegates have appeared throughout the
region, to review the programme and prepare a first regional or
national congress.

Declaration of Principles

1. The factory delegates are the sole and authentic social (economic
and political) representatives of the proletarian class, by virtue of
their being elected by all workers at their workplace on the basis of
universal suffrage. At the various levels of their constitution, the
delegates embody the unìon of all workers as realized in organs of
production (work-crew, workshop, factory, union of the factories in a
given industry, union of the productive enterprises in a city, union
of the organs of productìon in the mechanical and agricultural
industry of a district, a province, a region, the natìon, the world)
whose authority and socìal leadership are invested in the councils and
concil system.

2. The workers united in the council system recognize the part layed
by the craft and industrial unìons in the history of the Class
struggle, together with the need for them to carry on in theìr role of
organizìng individual categories ofworkers to obtain improvements in
wages and hours for as long as the competitive labour market, as
constituted under the capitalist regime, survives. They see the unions
as an indispensable form of organization, in that they represent a
higher union of workers who share the same individual interests
stemming from their exercise of the same functions within the order of
capitalist production. They maintain that all workers should belong to
a trade union.

3. The objectives ofthe workers' movement must arise directly fiom the
workers organized at the point of production, and be expressed via the
factory delegates.

The craft and industrial unions should continue to exercise their
present function, which is to negotiate with employer organizations on
behalf of the collectivity to obtain satisfactory wages, hours and
working conditions for entire categories, dedicating all the
competence they have acquired in past struggles to drawing up clear,
effective agreements that faithfully reflect the current requirements
of labour and the consciousness of the factory workers.

On the other hand, the councils embody the power of the working class
organized on a plant basis, as the antithesis to the empployer's
authority which is manifested within the plant itself. In social
terms, they embody the action of the whole of the solidarized
proletariat in its struggle to conquer public power and eliminate
private property.
4. Union members within the councìls accept without question that
discipline and order in economic movements (whether partial or
collective) must be maintained by the unions - provided, however, that
the objectives for the unions are given by the factory delegates, as
representatives of the working masses. They reject as artificial
parliamentarist and false any other eystem that the unions might wish
to follow ìn determining the wishes of their membership. Workers
democracy is not based on numbers and the bourgeois concept of
citizen, but on the functions of labour and the order that the working
class adopts naturally in the process of skilled industrial production
and in the factories.

5. The factory delegates proclaim themselves ready to confront any
resistance whatsoever which seeks to curtail the right of their
specific organs to scrutinize the internal affairs of the proletarian
trade organizations within the factory.

6. The representatives undertake to direct all their propaganda
energies to bring about the merger into a single national union of all
the organizations in a partìcular category which are not yet
confederated, but which base their actions on the clase struggle to
achieve the aims of the communist revolution.

All the craft and industrial unions of the Italian proletariat must
affiliate to the General Confederation of Labour. The delegates appeal
to all working comrades who voted for them in a spirit of communist
conscíousness, to use all their powers of personal persuasion to
strengthen the organizations of which they are members. If, as they
proclaim, workers have really attained a fully mature class
consciousness, they must convince themselves of the need to build a
single great union of all Italian proletarian forces. They must play a
greater role in the affairs of the unions, infuse them with the ideas
that govern the council system and work towards eliminating all the
difficulties that stand in the way of proletarian unity at thìs
stage. When the workers have infused today's various dissenting
organizations with that same spirit of conquest and desire for
self-government and proletarian power that governs the council system,
the fusion of these organizations wìll require no more than a simple
administrative act. On the other hand, the delegates call upon working
comrades to break with organizations that are based on religious or
nationalist principles, both of which are utterly foreign to the
functions and tasks of workers organizations.

7. The assembly of all the Turin plant delegates asserts with pride
and assurance that their election and the establishment of the council
system represents the first concrete indication of the communist
revolution in Italy. The assembly pledges to devote all the means at
the disposal of individual representatives and the council system to
ensure that the system of workers' councìls, made up of delegates
elected on a shop and work-crew basis, should spread irresistibly
throughout Italy, and that within the shortest possible time a
national congress ofworker and peasant delegates from all over Italy
should be called.

GENERAL REGULATIONS

Appointment of Delegatess and their Powers

l. Delegates are appointed on a factory workshop basis, in accordance
with the number of work-crews; their number, fixed provisionally for
the moment by the internal commissions, will be determined finally by
the factory council, which will carry out a thorough survey of work
operations. Council assemblies will lay down what the ratio should be
between numbers of workers and numbers of candidates.

Management personnel will be divided into the following categories:
engineers, technical supervisors, designers, departmental secretaries,
and clerical staff attached to internal administration, sales,
accounts and auxiliary services. The precise weight of the various
specialized categories in this sector of the productive process will
be determined by the factory assembly.

2. All the proletaríans in the factory, both manual and. intellectual
workers, have the right to vote.

3. Members of any trade union that is committed to the class
struggle are eligible as candidates. A delegate whose mandate is
revoked is ineligìble for three successíve assemblies; his right of
candidature is thus suspended for one election.

4. The first elections are to be held under the auspices of the
old-style internal commissions. The commissions elected will normally
remain in omce for six months; in the course of this period they may
be replaced in part (in some shops) or en bloc throughout the factory,
through the resignation of the delegates. It is up to the outgoing
delegates' assembly to establish the norms for holding new elections,
subject to their being in line with the general principles.

5. The delegate must enjoy the confidence of his electorate at all
times: he is therefore subject to instant recall. If he is repudiated
by a half plus one of his electorate, or by a majority of the factory
assembly, the delegate is obliged to seek renewal of his mandate. If
under these circumstances he fails to have his mandate renewed, the
factory assembly will refuse to recognize his delegate's rights.

6. Voting will take place by secret ballot during working hours.
Counting must begin at once and ìn public, and the results be
announced immediately. The candidate's name on the ballot slip must be
handwritten. While votiing takes place, no worker from another part of
the factory may enter the shop. If the result and its validity are ìn
doubt, the vote must be taken again in the presence of the Council
secretary.

7. The factory council must meet within two days ofthe elections.
Temporarily, the council will meet ín the rooms of the nearest
socialist club. When the council wins recognition in the factory, the
assembly should be held in the factory itself. Rules for the convening
of council meetings will be drawn up by the council itself.

8. The delegate has a twofold responsibilìty: (a) he represents the
trade-union members in his workshop and is responsible for the affairs
of the particular organization of which he is a member; (b) he represents
all the workers in his shop, being responsible for their defence in
economic matters and for their social activity.

9. The factory council therefore represents the whole of the
proletaríat in the factory. Delegates choose from theír own number the
factory executive committee, which they invest with an executive
mandate within the factory itself, and a representatíve mandate in the
council assemblies.

1O. In the general assembly of all the local delegates, on the other
hand, delegates represent the interests of their own category and of
local production.

11. In the assemblies of all the executive committees of an area, on
the other hand, delegates represent the interests of the whole of the
factory proletariat and of production in social life.

12. Delegates ìn a particular district who are members of the same
craft or industrial union wìll meet in craft and industrial
assemblies. The assemblies will appoint from their own number the
executive committee of the local branch of the union.

Delegates and Unions

13. Assemblìes of workers in a particular category are convened either
on the initiative of delegates representing more than one tenth of
union members or by the branch council, They must be called as a
matter of course whenever a dispute arises affecting the category.

l4. Secretaries of union administrative and propaganda sections must
have proven capacity to conduct negotiations with employer
organizations, and they must be seen as the executors of the will of
the trade-union members, as it is expressed in the union and the
factory council. They are responsible to the executive committees.

l5. The drawing up of agreements and the negotiations with the
employer organizations are delegated to the secretaries themselves,
assisted by representatives of the executìve committees.

The ratification of economic agreements concerning a category is
effected by the category assembly.

No agreement can he seen as valid untìl it has been ratified.

l6. Before an agreement is put to the assembly for approval, one
copy must have been sent to each factory concerned.

l7. Thus agreements will be discussed ìn the delegates' assembly, and
delegates who are not members ofthe union which led a particular
agitation will also have the right to vote on the agreement reached in
it.  In the category assemblies, on the other hand, the delegates do
not enjoy the right to crìticize the members and procedures of a union
which is not their own.

l8. However, the delegates gathered in a category assembly do have the
right to discuss and criticize the procedures of unions which are not
committed to the class struggle.

The Duties of the Factory Delegates

l. The most important and delicate ofthe delegate's duties is inside
the factory. He must at all times be the faithful interpreter of the
feelings of his comrades before representatives of the employer's
authority and within the council.

The workshop is the source of his power, which resides in the
solidarity his comrades express in supporting his actions and in
standing by his recommendations in a disciplined fashion. Such
solidarity and discipline are forthcoming only when the electorate see
him as a genuine exponent of their feelings.

2. The delegates work. The assertion of their power in the factory
should be limited, in this sense, to ensuring that they may down tools
in particular cìrcumstances which demand their presence outside the
workshop.

3. The role of the delegate during working hours may be summed up
in the word control.

He must exercise control: 39

(a) to ensure that existing work agreements are faithfully adhered to
and to resolve any disputes that might arise between the work-force in
the shop and representatives of management.

(b) to defend the interests and personal feelings of the workers in
the event of foremen abusing their power, by mis-assessing work
unjustly or through incapacity, ín the event of changes in the work
process or in the event of a crisis of productíon on the market.

(c) to maintain order on the job, in the face of either management
provocation or bad conduct on the part of dissenters from the wishes
of the majority;

(d) to obtain precise intelligence on: (i) the value of capital employed,
in his own shop; (ii) the output of his shop ín relation to all known costs.
(iii) the possible increase in output that could be achieved.

(e) to prevent the capitalists from removing any of the fixed capital
invested in the plant.

4. The delegate should study and encourage his comrades to study the
bourgeois systems of production and work processes, inviting
criticisms and suggestions that will facilitate work by speeding up
production. It must be driven home to all that communist equality can
be won only through an intensive productive effort, and that higher
living standards will flow not from disorder in production and a
relaxation of work discipline, but rather from an improved and more
equal distribution of social obligations and rewards, obtained through
making labour compulsory and equalizing rates of pay.

5. In the light of the above considerations, the delegates should
study internal technical innovations proposed by management, and not
take a decision before having discussed the question with their
comrades; they should invite them to accept such innovations, so long
as any temporary damage to the workers' interests is balanced by
similar sacrifices on the part of the industrialists, and provided the
innovation will result in an improvement in the process of
production. Hence they should put pressure on management to force it
to respect legislation concerning safety, hygiene and workshop
facilities.

Towards Workers' Schools

6. It is up to the council to organize a school on the factory premises
for all workers who wish to perfect their professionaI skills. Capable
teachers must be found in the factory itself, and rooms and equipment
must be provided by management.

7. It is also up to the council to ensure that management provides an
organic system of education for apprentices, and to be vigilant in
defence of their interests.

8. The council will also have to intervene when workers are
promoted, to unmask cases of favouritism and denounce it as a weapon
of class struggle employed by the bosses.

9. Backward or indifferent workshop delegates need to be shaken up by
frequent elections and referenda. All delegates are obliged to hold
frequent referenda in their shops on social and technical issues and
to hold frequent meetings to explain the principles and advice
emanating from proletarian organs.

1O. No council has the right to break a work agreement without having
first obtained the approval of the assembly of category delegates, and
through it the executive committee of the branch.

11. When a dispute with management in a workshop has been settled by
the delegate, or becomes a matter of principle, or is due to a
conffict of interest between workshops, the delegate must report the
case at once to the factory commissariat's office. Throughout the
period of the dispute he is excused work.
THE EXECUTIVE COMMISSARIAT OF A FACTORY

Appointment, Functions, Powers

l. The factory council will appoint a certain proportion of its member
delegates to execute decisions and negotiate with management: these
will form the executive commissariat of the factory. This body will
take the place of the former internal commission, and should receive
corresponding recognition from the management of the factory.

2. The proportionality and election arrangements will be decided by
the individual councils and assemblies.

3. A fixed number of members delegated to serve on the commissariat
will be excused work for their term of duty and stationed permanently
in an appropriate executive commissariat office, to receive complaints
from delegates, examine them, reject or accept them support them where
necessary with the power which the force of the entire factory confers
upon them.

4. Delegates of the commissariat should be present at all
conversations between union secretaries and employers' bodies in the
factory.

5. Every evening the members of the commissariat are called upon to
assess the situation in the factory and the work done by their
comrades.

6. Delegates to the E.C. must give all possible support to the work of
control, study and propaganda carried out by the delegates encouraging
and driving the slow and accusing the inept and incapable before the
council.

7. Members of the E.C. may remain in office continuously for the
duration of the council: they remain in office during elections and
for the period immediately following, in order to hand over their
powers and current business to the incoming commissariat.  

Members who suffer a vote of no confidence in the council
automatically lose their mandate.

8. The E.C. and management have equal rights to post notices in the
factory.

9. The E.C. should ensure that newspapers are freely distributed
inside the factory during work breaks.

1O. The E.C. should try to publish a fortnightly factory bulletin that
will gather together statistics designed to extend the workers'
knowledge of factory operations, explain the work done by the E.C. and
the factory council, reprint news items concerning the factory from
sectional journals, etc.  

If the factory is too small it can join with others in the same
industrial sector

11. The E.C. should also try to set up a factory social and savings
Fund, with the aim of establishing a co-operative factory canteen in
conjunction with the local Co-operative Alliance.

12. The E.C. should keep a daily log-book recording its own activities
and submit it weekly to the council for its approval.

13. The E.C. will distribute propaganda and research duties between
its own members and the delegates.

14. The factory council should be convened by the E,C. each week if
possible (Saturday half-day)40 to hear the E.C.'s report, to assess
the situation in the factory and the morale of the workforce, and to
make recommendations to the E.C. on matters concerning the external
interests of the factory or the category.  In exceptional
circumstances the council could meet daily.


Publications, Notices, Reports, Meetings

l. The Turin delegates' assembly resolves to recognize the newspaper
Avanti! as the sole political daily of the region and to seek space in
it for the publication of notices, reports and agenda of delegates'
meetings. It has no confidence in the publication of other newspapers,
which would drain the social assets.

2. The assembly resolves, moreover, to request publication of articles
propagating these new ideas in all proletarian periodical
publications. The replies of the periodicals to the delegates' request
should be read at the next assembly.  

Unsigned, L'Ordine Nuovo, 8 November 1919, Vol. I, No. 25. (On 25 July
1920, Gramsci referred to this text as being written by the "Gruppo di
Studio" of the Factory Delegates movement, though his own influence
admits of no doubt.)